DEEP POLITICS 101 & JFK – Preview to the Tipping Point
The assassination of President Kennedy is one of the
enduring historical enigmas of our times, not because it can’t be solved and
resolved to a legal and moral certainty, but because those in control over the
legal mechanisms of the government refuse to do so.
The sitting grand jury, the normal legal procedure used to investigate
and prosecute an unsolved homicide, has not been properly utilized, and in one
of the more recent attempts to resolve a legal issue – the testing of CE 345, it
was expressly excluded from the proceedings.
Without the normal legal procedures available to
investigators and researchers, alternative approaches must be devised, and
Peter Dale Scott (PDS ) has provided some, a
few of which I have adopted in the course of my own research.
For starters, PDS
explains how he finds common issues in the course of studying Deep Political
events including the assassination of President Kennedy, Watergate ,
Iran /Contra and 9/11. I
include Pearl Harbor and the Guatemalan and Iranian
coups of 1954 and the Arab Spring to those that he also considers Deep
Political events worth studying, but for the purpose of this essay I will
concentrate only on the assassination of President Kennedy.
I.
Archival research & Deep Political Events
In his glossary of terms used in his analysis, Scott
describes Archival history as “A chronological record of events, as
reconstructed by archival historians from public records; as opposed
to deep history, which is a chronology of events concerning which the
public records are often either falsified or nonexistent.”
For more of Scott’s Glossary [2] see: http://ratical.org/ratville/JFK/GlossaryOfOpenPol.html
II – Common Characters
Scott, in his presentations and books, - I encourage
everyone to read in full, [1 – PDS Links ] calls
attention to the overlapping elements of such Deep Political events as common
characters who appear in more than one event, - “there are symptomatic overlaps
in personnel between the perpetrators of each of these deep events and the
next.”
While Scott also focuses on the Overworld industrial
activities that often instigate assassination, coups and wars, such as oil, he
also calls attention to other frequently appearing elements – such as drugs and
arms sales, often part of Underworld deals of which there are few witnesses and
no documentation.
IV - The “Negative Template.”
Scott’s “negative template” thesis proposes that those
records that are destroyed, missing or withheld from the public are the ones
most significant, and in regard to the assassination of President Kennedy,
unlike the other Deep Political events, we have a plethora of records, millions
of pages of documents that were previously withheld that are now available for
scrutiny because of the JFK Act. [3]
At the same time, many more records, ostensibly the most
important, are still being with held. [4]
Since we now have salvaged some records that were slated to
be destroyed, but weren’t, the most significant include the New Orleans Grand
Jury transcripts, the Andrews AFB Log book, the Clifton tape of the Air Force
One radio transmissions.
While the New Orleans Grand Jury transcripts, now on line, [5]
provides a guide to that 1968 case, for the purposes of this essay, only the
Andrews Log and the Air Force One tapes will be used extensively as a window
into these events because they should have been destroyed or kept out of the
public record, and as a substantiation of the value of the “negative-template”
approach.
V – Backchannel Communications
Also among the common attributes of Deep Political events
that Scott discusses are off the public record back channel communications,
which we see practiced in Kennedy’s dialog with Castro through the journalists
and UN intermediaries, and in the radio and telephone conversations on the day
of the assassination.
VI – Provocative – Northwoods Style Ops
Another element Scott brings to the table is the military’s
use of provocation operations, of which the assassination itself was one that
was designed but failed to provoke a military invasion of Cuba ,
but as Scott demonstrates, was successfully adopted at Tonkin
Gulf in furthering the interests of
defense contractors (Bell Helicopter, Gen. Dynamics, Collins Radio) as a
pretext for the expansion of the Vietnam War.
With the vivid description of the provocative Northwood
plans, and how it was applied over the course of the assassination of President
Kennedy, Scott calls the prearranged plot to blame the Dealey Plaza operation
on Castro and Communists as a “Phase One” operation and the fall back position
of placing the sole responsibly for the assassination on a deranged lone-nut
“Phase Two.” While the “Phase One” allegations can be clearly traced to their
origins and shown to be a prearranged black propaganda operation, and the
“Phase Two” position equally false, either is preferable than the truth, at
least as far as those actually responsible for the assassination.
VIII – Continuity of Government – COG
& Doomsday Planning
And finally, and probably the most significant of his
contributions, Scott shows how the Continuity of Government (GOG) and Doomsday plans
have been used, beginning at Dealey Plaza and refined with the assassination
attempt on President Reagan and 9/11, but will only be dealt with here in
regards to JFK.
What I originally set out to do was to look at the extant
archival record, and together with the documents reluctantly released under the
JFK Act, the Andrews Log and recently discovered Air Force One tape, and try to
determine exactly when and where the decision was officially made to forgo the “Phase
One” provocation operation and adopt the “Phase Two” deranged lone nut excuse.
While the “Phase One” operation continued long past the
official decision to discard it, and in some respects continues today (via
Russo, Houseman, et al), Carl Francis Tagg’s 1982 master thesis dissertation
concludes, “…no persuasive evidence to suggest that Castro’s agents
participated in the murder…the Cuban Government’s cooperation with the HSCA
explained why Cuban complicity in the Kennedy assassination never took place.”
Nevertheless, an exploration into the events in the
immediate aftermath of the assassination, as I have tried to do, leads one to
clearly see that the decision to forego the “Phase One” attempts to blame
Castro was made by LBJ in the Vice President’s offices in the Executive Office
Building next door to the White House between 8 and 9 PM on the evening of the
assassination, and reveals the existence of other “black holes” in the extant
archival record that now need to be filled in.
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