Thursday, January 16, 2020

JFK Resolutions for 2020

JFK 2020 Resolutions

PLAN A for 2020 - JFKCountercoup Research and Writing

Where Do We Go From Here?

I started writing this on New Year’s Eve, anticipating conference calls and meetings among the board of directors of CAPA and the TRC, who haven’t met since November, but it doesn’t look like a meeting of the minds will happen soon, as CAPA is still tallying up the numbers and finances of the Dallas conference, and the TRC keeps putting off meetings for various reasons, until yesterday.

I remember sitting in my St. Joe’s school room in the early 1960s reading 1984 and wondering - where I would be in 1984? When Stanley Krubeck’s 2001 A Space Odyssey came out in the 1970s and - I wondered what it would be like come 2001?

Then when the JFK Act of 1992 was passed by Congress requiring all of the government’s JFK assassination records be released by October 2017, I wondered – where would I be and what would I be doing come 2017?

And here we are in 2020 and 1984, 2001 and 2017 have come and gone, and many thousands of JFK Assassination records remain withheld and no one is asking for the law to be enforced and the records released.

So I’m going to set my own agenda, as I laid it out to myself on New Year’s Eve 2020.

My JFK New Years Resolutions for 2020 are:

1)      Get the JFK Act of 1992 enforced, convene the House Oversight hearings as required by the law, get all of the records released, as the law prescribes, and determine what became of the destroyed, missing and still withheld records.

2)      End the Great Debate over the role of Lee Harvey Oswald, - dispose of the Patsy and move on to the real assassins and the total truth, so no one can rationally say one man alone killed the President.

3)      Legally Exonerate Oswald in a Texas Court of Inquiry so that other legal processes – Dallas Grand Jury, Federal Grand Jury, etc. can kick in.

4)      Interview as many of the remaining living witnesses as possible, as part of the CAPA-TRC project. I will be doing this in two or three spurts - this spring, summer and fall, driving my Honda Odyssey van around the country interviewing researchers, witnesses and suspects, as I have been doing, but mainly on the phone. I will be knocking on doors soon, and will keep you posted on what I learn. Maybe I'll even put a camera in my cap and go live on occasion. 

5)      Write and Publish three books – beginning a trilogy on the assassination – one that resolves it to a moral and legal certainty, a second Anthology of important news reports, articles, book chapters and conference presentations that are necessary to understand what really happened, and a third book, sometime down the line, of my personal journey on this trip. All of my supporters and patrons will get advance copies of these books as soon as they are available. 

For starters, I still feel as I did when I made the opening presentation at the Lancer conference in 2018, and that is the emphasis should now be on Washington D.C. rather than Dallas, though I am going to vote for CAPA to return to Dallas for another two day event, Friday and Saturday, November 20-21. That will be a few weeks after the election and removes the excuse not to pursue Congressional action until after the election, a decision I understand but firmly disagree with.

Most of those running these shows, including those in Washington D.C., don't believe that the current Congress will do anything, let alone hold JFK Act Oversight hearings, mainly because of the preoccupation with Donald Trump, the impeachment and impending election. 

Since Donald Trump is the one who is responsible for the continued withholding of assassination records, despite threatening to release them all as the law requires, so we should try to make the still secret records a campaign issue, and maybe even a part of the impeachment proceedings, though I don't like the whole impeachment shennagans. 

Former Chief of Staff USMC General John Kelly was in charge of the Oval Office at the White House when Trump made his sudden about face regarding the release of the records, literally at the last hour on the last day, so he must have played a major role in that decision. The letter of recomendations from Archivist of the US David Ferrerio must have also been important, especially since that letter is still sealed and not available to the public. 

Since Kelly is now gone, there may be a chance of getting Trump to reverse himself again and just release the remaining records, if only someone will ask him. And I just happen to know Democratic Turncoat Jeff Van Drew, a former Cape May County neighbor whose hosting Trump in out backyard this week. Maybe Jeff will be able to convince him to just do it. 

Whatever becomes of the still sealed records, the JFK Act remains in force until the Archivist informs the President, Congress and the American people that the last previously sealed and secret government record on the assassination of President Kennedy has been released. That's not going to happen soon. 

And Congress will still have to have Oversight hearings on the JFK Act because they are required to do so by law, it's just a matter of when they do it, in our lifetime or the next. 

Once the elections are over in the first week of November, there will be a Lame Duck Congress that may be willing to do some radical things, like enforce the JFK Act, and if they don't maybe the next Congress will, but I don't have time to wait for them. We need to at least make the effort, now. 

As I said before I thought the previous chair of the Oversight Committee, the late Baltimore Congressman Elija Cummings was The Man to do this, but he was old, and sick and nobody made the effort. His replacement however, is a healthy blonde women who knows Karate, so don't give her any trouble, but ask her politely to please hold JFK Act Oversight hearings. 

So in the spirit of MLK I ask all my friends and associates, readers and everyone interested in this cause, to use MLK Day of Service to write a letter, make a phone call, send a fax to the House Oversight Committee requesting to know in advance when they will be holding Congressional Oversight of the JFK Act of 1992.

Of all our legal objectives in the JFK case getting Congressional Oversight Hearings of the JFK Act of 1992 is the easiest, but also the one the opposition opposes, and for good reasons. The still withheld records ARE Explosive, and they will do everything in their power to keep them sealed. 

It took Oliver Stone’s “JFK” movie trailer to get people to demand their representatives in Congress release the government records on the assassination of the President, and it will take a similar public response to get Congress to do anything, but it is something that’s already been done and we can probably do again if it is prepared and planned in advance.

So I, as the soul proprietor of  the JFKCountercoup blog internet site, be it resolved and without any opposition, all those international citizens against political assassinations, those who seek truth and reconciliation without retribution, and those who just want to know the truth, dedicate their one day of service for Martin Luther King, Jr. Day  Monday - Jan. 20, 2020 – towards seeking the complete and total enforcement of the JFK Act of 1992 and release all of the government records on the assassination of President Kennedy in full, in accordance with the law, passed by Congress, signed in to law by President George H.W. Bush, acted on by President Clinton, and extended by President Trump in October 2017.

The provisions of the law require that it be reviewed and overseen by the House Oversight Committee, currently chaired by Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D. NY), the only person who has the power to schedule oversight hearings.

Having Congressional Oversight Hearings on the JFK Act would be carried live by ESPN and be sensational in the  testimony it would elecit, so it isn’t likely such an oversight hearing will happen, unless the people, the citizens of the United States REQUIRE it to happen, as they did in response to Oliver Stone’s movie “JFK.”

It doesn’t seem likely that we will ever see another film have such an important impact than “JFK,” but we may need something like it to kick start a new campaign for JFK Act Oversight Hearings.

All suggestions are welcome, other than from Roger Stone.

But I’m going to start another petition, directed at Rep. Maloney, requesting she schedule JFK Act Oversight Hearings, a petition that I will try to circulate at first among recognizable people and then to everyone, and see how many we get. It WILL NOT be a free internet petition (ala, who do not give the email addresses of those who sign on, except to use for their own purposes. It will be an internet petition that will enable us to communicate with those who sign on so we can keep you posted on the resultes of our efforts.

The MLK Day – JFK Act Congressional Oversight project is just the beginning, as in mid-March we want to take over the 2020 Sunshine Week program to at least include the still withheld government records on the JFK assassination.

If our MLK Day requests are answered, Sunshine Week (Mid-March) would be the perfect time for Congress to hold JFK Act Oversight hearings, and whenever and where ever Sunshine Week events are held, the records on assassination of President Kennedy and the failure of Congress to oversee the law should be the primary aspects of the discussion.

If your representative in the House are among those listed as members of the House Oversight Committee, either Democrat or Republican, you could hit the jackpot, as your letter as a voting constituent will be given priority over those of us who are writing as citizens. Please check the list and email me and let me know if your congressman is on the committee. If we can get a half dozen constituents of committee members to visit their Congressonal office or the Committee office, they will be given a ten or fifteen minute meeting with their Representatives, and you have the opportunity to tell them why this is so important, and they will listen to you.

If you want to be a part of this JFK-MLK Day Campaign please write a clear and concise, one page letter to the chairwomen of the House Oversight Committee, the only person in the world who can schedule an Oversight Hearing on the JFK Act, and ask her to do so. You can also request that you be informed of any JFK Act Oversight hearings as soon as it is scheduled so you can make arrangements to attend. 

Then fax it, email it and then mail it through the regular mail to make sure they get it. Calling them and talking to a staff member in a polite way can also get their attention. I will be posting my letter as an example soon.

House Oversight Committee Chairwomen
Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D. N.Y.)
2157 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515
Phone: (202) 225-5051
Fax: (202) 225-4784

And many thanks to those who have assisted me to keep me going. Two thirds of the way towards the goal I set a year ago. I love the $20 donations, because that’s what I can give to my causes, but the two $500 anonymous awards really helped at a critical time. One was from someone who said they read about my association with the late, great Mae Brussell, and I will be writing about her again soon, and believe that I am continuing her work.

If you support my work, please contibute via:
Or you can mail me at

William Kelly
P.O. Box 250,

New Lisbon, N.J. 08064 

Monday, January 6, 2020

Proposed Covert Ops Against Cuba - June 1963

BK NOTES: BELOW is the text of the June 1963 Report on Proposed Covert Ops Against Cuba:

CIA Raider Ship "Rex," docked in Palm Beach, Florida, November 1, 1963 - New York Times

As Des FitzGerald notes in his March 1964 Memo discussing what to do with the JMWAVE Pathfinder commando teams it is mentioned that there were five covert operational missions against Cuba approved and launched between August and December 1963, carried out by fifty anti-Castro Cubans who were broken down into three teams. At least one of these teams were known as the Pathfinders, the best of the lot. 

The approvals came from the National Security Council Special Group (Augmented w/ RFK) and "The interdependent program of actions which we proposed last spring and which was accepted in June 2 was based on three propositions which were accepted at the time: (a) that it was in the U.S. interest to get rid of Castro; (b) that, in attempting to do so, the U.S. did not wish either to employ overt an unacceptable degree; and (c) that the ultimate objective of the program was not mass uprisings but to encourage disaffected elements within the military establishment and other power centers of the regime to carry out a coup.......The sabotage raids, built into the program as a sort of firing pin for internal unrest and to create the conditions for a coup, which was to be the main force leading to Castro's defeat, ran only from August to December and only five were actually part of the June plan, we are supporting two “autonomous” exile groups headed respectively by Manuel Artime and Manolo Ray."

"To place them in position and recover them requires an extensive....apparatus in Florida, that likewise serves intelligence agent infiltrations and exfiltrations...." 

The plan was to use these covert commando terrorist attacks against economic targets in order to "encourage disaffected elements within the military establishment and other power centers of the regime to carry out a coup." 

We know that one of those disaffected elements was Dr. Rolando Cubela Secades (AMLASH), who Desmond FitzGerald had personally met with, misidentified himself as a personal representative of RFK, and encouraged him to kill Castro. A FitzGerald aide was meeting with Cubela in Paris at the very moment of the assassination in Dallas, so Cubela is one subject who deserves much more closer attention, and will get it. 

We also know that one of the proposed courses of action was to have one of the Pathfinders infiltrated into Cuba use Cubela's apartment as a staging area to shoot Castro with a high powered rifle as he rode in an open jeep to Veradero, a popular vacation resort on the North Shore of Cuba. This Pathfinder Plan, as it was kept in the National Photo Interpretation Center (NPIC) section of JMWAVE, instead of the Operational File, and as the NPIC technicians who worked on the plan reported, it was "disapproved by higher authority," - that is JFK and RFK. 

But the other sabotage operations were approved by the NSC SGA - as well as JFK and RFK.  

One of the approved sabotage operations was sent out in late October 1963, when the CIA mother ship "Rex" deposited a team of commandos on a North Shore beach, a team that was immediately rounded up and arrested. According to Castro, these men had high powered rifles with scopes, and confessed to having been trained by the CIA. They were paraded on Cuban TV and on November 1, 1963 the New York Times ran a photo of the "Rex," docked near JFK's residence in Palm Beach, Florida, and registered to a Somoza Company in Nicaragua and leased to the Collins Radio company of Richardson, Texas for electronics research.
 Image result for JFKCountercoup The Collins Radio Connections

The Cuba-Soviet ELENT - Electronic Listening Post was also located near Veradero, and we know from Brian Latell that Castro himself ordered them to listen to the radio reports from Texas - possibly even Air Force One radio transmissions, because that's where JFK was to be. 

We also know that Veradero was where Castro was being interviewed by French journalist Jean Daniel when Castro was notified of the assassination. 

So if the conspiracy to kill the President originated from the JMWAVE station, it is reasonable to assume that those who were infiltrated, "placed into position" in Dallas and exfiltrated after completing the mission were also among those 50 JMWAVE commandos, narrowing the suspects. And we know who they are. 


346. Paper Prepared by the Central Intelligence Agency for the Standing Group of the National Security Council Source

Washington, June 8, 1963.

• Proposed Covert Policy and Integrated Program of Action towards Cuba

I. Introduction

1. Submitted herewith is a covert program for Cuba within CIA's capabilities. Some parts of the program have already been approved and are being implemented. Being closely inter-related, the total cumulative impact of the courses of action set forth in this program is dependent upon the simultaneous coordinated execution of the individual courses of action.

2. This program is based on the assumption that current U.S. policy does not contemplate outright military intervention in Cuba or a provocation which can be used as a pretext for an invasion of Cuba by United States military forces. It is further assumed that U.S. policy calls for the exertion of maximum pressure by all means available to the U.S. Government, short of military intervention, to prevent the pacification of the population and the consolidation of the Castro/Communist regime. The ultimate objective of this policy would be to encourage dissident elements in the military and other power centers of the regime to bring about the eventual liquidation of the Castro/Communist entourage and the elimination of the Soviet presence from Cuba.

3. While the effect of a program of maximum pressure is unpredictable, it is suggested that a sustained intensive effort undertaken now to prevent the consolidation of the Castro/Communist regime may in the future present the United States with opportunities and options not now foreseeable. The consequences of a policy of allowing Castro to “stew in his own juice,” however, are foreseeable. According to current estimates, barring Castro's death or a decisive change in the U.S. posture or Soviet policy towards Cuba, the Castro regime is likely to be more firmly established a year hence, despite possible economic setbacks. The mere passage of time tends to favor Castro as the population and elite groups in Cuba become accustomed to the idea that he is here to stay and as his regime gains in administrative experience and the security organs become more efficient. Over the longer run, the existence of an organized party apparatus as well as a stable governmental machinery could reduce the indispensability of Castro's personal leadership. Thus, if left to chance, the U.S. must be prepared to accept for the indefinite future a Communist regime in Cuba closely tied to and a significant component of the Soviet world power structure.

4. Within the context of the policy assumptions and estimate of the situation in Cuba outlined above, CIA submits a program consisting of the following interdependent courses of action:

A. Covert collection of intelligence, both for U.S. strategic requirements as well as for operational requirements.

B. Propaganda actions to stimulate low-risk simple sabotage and other forms of active and passive resistance.

C. Exploitation and stimulation of disaffection in the Cuban military and other power centers.

D. Economic denial actions on an increased basis.

E. General sabotage and harassment.

F. Support of autonomous anti-Castro Cuban groups to supplement and assist in the execution of the above courses of action.

5. A vital feature of the foregoing program to exert maximum pressure on theCastro/Communist regime is the dependence of the impact of each course of action on the simultaneous and effective execution of the other courses of action. Thus, intelligence information is needed to permit the planning and mounting of operations against economic denial and sabotage targets. Covert propaganda actions are designed to produce a psychological climate in Cuba conducive to the accomplishment of the other courses of action in the integrated covert program. Only after the effects of economic denial and sabotage actions are deeply felt by the populace and the elite groups can one hope to convert disaffection in the armed forces and other power centers of the regime into militant revolt against the Castro/Communist entourage. It is also at this point where CIA-controlled and autonomous activist elements in the Cuban exile community can begin to assume genuine resistance proportions. As a consequence of this inter-related and continuous process, it is reasonable to expect a considerable increase in the volume and quality of the intelligence product on the basis of which additional and increasingly more effective operations can be mounted. Unless all the components of this program are executed in tandem, the individual courses of action are almost certain to be of marginal value, even in terms of achieving relatively limited policy objectives. This is clearly a cause where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts.

II. Discussion of Components of an Integrated Program

6. In amplification of the courses of action listed in paragraph 4 above, the following additional description and terms of reference are offered:

A. Covert collection of intelligence, both for U.S. strategic requirements as well as for operational requirements.

Covert collection of intelligence continues to be a major CIA mission. Without detracting from our strategic intelligence efforts, emphasis is being given to increasing the volume and quality of intelligence needed for planning and mounting the operations contemplated in the integrated program described in this paper, particularly for defections and penetrations and for economic denial and sabotage actions against vulnerable sectors of the Cuban economy.

B. Propaganda actions to stimulate low-risk simple sabotage and other forms of active and passive resistance.

In accordance with a previously approved psychological program in support of U.S. policy on Cuba, CIA-controlled radio programs and other propaganda media directed at Cuba encourage low-risk simple sabotage and other forms of active and passive resistance. These media also seek to stimulate and exacerbate tensions within the regime and between Cuba and the Soviet Bloc, taking advantage of Sino-Soviet tensions. All of these propaganda operations are calculated to create a psychological atmosphere within Cuba which will facilitate the accomplishment of the other courses of action within the integrated covert action program.

C. Exploitation and stimulation of disaffection in the Cuban military and other power centers.

We are undertaking an intensive probing effort to identify, seek out and establish channels of communication with disaffected and potentially dissident non-Communist elements in the power centers of the regime, particularly in the armed forces hierarchy. The objective is to promote the fragmentation of the regime and possibly lead to an internal coup
which would dislodge Castro and his entourage, and make it possible to eliminate the Cuban Communists from positions of power and force the withdrawal of the Soviet military presence and the termination of its economic aid. Several promising operations are already underway.

D. Economic denial actions.

Overt official U.S. economic sanctions in conjunction with covert economic denial operations (such as denial of [less than 1 line of source text not declassified]) is causing a marked adverse effect on the Cuban economy. For maximum impact on the Cuban economy this effort must be coordinated with sabotage operations. We propose to continue and intensify economic denial operations which would be greatly enhanced by an inter-agency committee with a charter enabling it to call upon member agencies for rapid action.

E. General sabotage and harassment.

Sabotage in this program is both an economic weapon and a stimulus to resistance. As an economic weapon, it is a supplement to and therefore must be coordinated with the economic denial effort. As a stimulus to resistance, there must be visible and dramatic evidence of sabotage to serve as a symbol of growing popular defiance of the Castro regime.
These operations will be conducted either by externally held assets now available or by existing internal assets or those to be developed. Assets trained and controlled by CIA will be used as will selected autonomous exile groups. Initially, the emphasis will be on the use of externally held assets with a shift to internal assets as soon as operationally feasible.

The types of sabotage considered appropriate for this program are:

(1) Simple low-risk sabotage on a large scale stimulated by propaganda media (approved and being implemented).

(2) Sabotage of Cuban ships outside Cuban waters (approved and being implemented).

(3) Externally mounted hit-and-run attacks against appropriately selected targets.

(4) Support of internal resistance elements, providing materiel and personnel to permit them to undertake a variety of sabotage and harassment operations.

It must be recognized that no single act of sabotage by itself can materially affect the economy or stimulate significant resistance. However, it is our opinion that a well-planned series of sabotage efforts, properly executed, would in time produce the effect we seek. Each action will have its dangers: there will be failures with consequent loss of life and charges of attribution to the United States resulting in criticism at home and abroad. None of these expected consequences should cause us to change our course if the program as outlined can be expected to be successful.

Annex A is an elaboration of a proposed sabotage and harassment program against Cuba.

F. Support of autonomous anti-Castro Cuban groups to supplement and assist in the execution of the above courses of action.

In the past, CIA has utilized only fully controlled and disciplined agent assets as a safeguard against unilateral and irresponsible action by Cuban exiles intent upon the liberation of their country. If sabotage and resistance activities are to be undertaken on a larger scale, it will be necessary to accept the risks involved in utilizing autonomous Cuban exile groups and individuals who will not necessarily be responsive to our guidance.CIA proposes the following “rules of engagement” to govern the conduct of these autonomous operations:

(1) It is the keystone of autonomous operations that they will be executed exclusively by Cuban nationals motivated by the conviction that the overthrow of the Castro/Communist regime must be accomplished by Cubans, both inside and outside Cuba acting in consonance.

(2) The effort will probably cost many Cuban lives. If this cost in lives becomes unacceptable to the U.S. conscience, autonomous operations can be effectively halted by the withdrawal of U.S. support; but once halted, it cannot be resumed.

(3) All autonomous operations will be mounted outside the territory of the United States.

(4) The United States Government must be prepared to deny publicly any participation in these acts no matter how loud or even how accurate may be the reports of U.S. complicity.

(5) The United States presence and direct participation in the operation would be kept to an absolute minimum. Before entering into an operational relationship with a group, the U.S. representative will make it clear that his Government has no intention of intervening militarily, except to counter intervention by the Soviets. An experienced CIA officer would be assigned to work with the group in a liaison capacity. He would provide general advice as requested as well as funds and necessary material support. He may be expected to influence but not control the conduct of operations.

(6) These operations would not be undertaken within a fixed time schedule.

III. Recommendation

7. Policy authority already exists for courses of action described in paragraph 6 A-D. In order that full advantage can be taken of an integrated covert action program, the Standing Group is requested to approve courses of action outlined in paragraph 6 E and F within the terms of reference and rules of engagement therein.

Annex A

• Sabotage/Harassment Program

The broad target categories against which the sabotage/harassment operations would be mounted and a preliminary evaluation of their effect, can be summarized as follows:

A. Electric Power

Disruption of any of the existing power grids which might be effected by damage to or destruction of the generating facilities or of the critical sub-stations in the distribution network, would significantly weaken the existing economic and social structure, particularly in view of the fact that in many areas the power now available is not adequate to meet the demands of industrial and public consumers. Smaller acts of sabotage/harassment by the populace such as throwing chains over high tension lines to short them out, would also exacerbate the current power shortage, and the cumulative effect of all such actions could cause a prolonged breakdown of the power system as there is already a shortage of spare parts and replacement materiels.

B. Petroleum, Oil and Lubricants (POL)

Damage to or destruction of POL production and/or storage facilities would seriously affect almost all aspects of the Cuban economy. The electric power industry depends almost entirely upon POL as fuel for the generating plants and the sugar industry depends upon POL powered processing and transportation facilities as does all intra-province transportation. Production and storage facilities are susceptible to external attacks by heavy weapons or by more subtle methods if internal assets having an appropriate degree of accessibility can be developed. The loss of refining facilities could be offset by increased Bloc shipments of refined products but such a shift would require a period of readjustment during which there would be a heavy strain on the Cuban economy. An additional burden on the Bloc refining capacity would also exist until Cuba's refining capacity is restored.

C. Transportation

Damage to or destruction of railway and/or highway rolling stock or the destruction of key bridges would lead to breakdowns in the regional economics which to a large degree are dependent on the distribution of imported products. The processing and export of the vitally important sugar crop is also entirely dependent on transportation. It is not anticipated that we could achieve that degree of disruption which would cause a collapse of the economy or social structure, but even a minor degree of disruption will adversely affect the standard of living and the output of the economy, both of which are key factors in the stability of the regime. The type of operations envisioned in this category would range from fairly sophisticated attacks by external or internal assets against the rolling stock, key bridges and repair facilities to simple low risk acts by the populace such as the derailing of rail transportation or placing tire puncturing material on highways.

D. Production Processing and Manufacturing Facilities

While the Cuban economy primarily depends on imports for indigenous consumption and even though the sugar crop is by far the most important item in Cuban exports, there are still a number of other facilities such as the nickel complex at Nicaro, cement plants, distilleries, and the myriad industries associated with the provision of food, clothing and shelter, which are worthwhile targets in that stopping or lessening their output will weaken the economy and breed discontent against the regime. These targets are particularly susceptible to attack by external or internal assets in that due to their profusion and their relatively low strategic importance they are not well guarded or otherwise secured against attack.

The selection of specific targets within the above categories and the determination of timing and tactics will be predicated upon detailed analysis of the following factors:

1. The extent to which the target can be physically damaged.
2. The resultant effect upon the Cuban economy.
3. The cost or effort required if additional burdens are placed on Bloc support.
4. The psychological effect on the Cuban population.
5. Anticipated adverse reactions.
6. Operational capabilities and limitations of CIA assets.

* Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Countries Series, Cuba, General, 6/63. Secret; Eyes Only. According to a covering memorandum from Smith to Bundy, June 10, this paper was to be submitted to the NSC Standing Group on June 11. The next (8th) meeting of the Standing Group was held on June 18, not June 11. Bundy's record of action of the June 18 meeting indicated that the group discussed this paper and approved it for final decision by the President. (Ibid., Meetings and Memoranda Series, Standing Group Meeting, 6/18/63)

Friday, January 3, 2020

In Response to Max Holland's The FBI's Culture of Impunity


By William Kelly, Jr. 

Max Holland’s article in the Daily Beast on the subject of the Federal Bureau of Investigation - FBI’s Culture of Impunity requires a reasonable response, as there are better examples of it.

We know that J. E. Hoover was obsessed with communism, yet at the same time denied that the Mafia and organized crime even existed.

On a personal level I remember the time my father, Camden Police detective Lt. William Kelly, Sr. told me a story on a drive to the Shore, how he was asked to give a new FBI Special Agent in Charge (SAIC) a tour of the local scene, so they went to the Garden State Race Track in Cherry Hill where my dad pointed out a few local bookies and the top organized criminals in the bars and restaurants and what type of rackets they were involved in. 

Shortly thereafter one of the bookies complained to my dad that the new FBI agent in town was shaking him down for a pay off, so that was the end of Lieutenant Kelly’s cooperation with the FBI.

I was quite familiar with former FBI agent Bill Turner’s whistle blowing warning that Hoover was no good, long before I met him and we became friends.

Then, just today, a few days into the new year, I picked up a book at the local used book shop – “A G-Man’s Journal – A Legendary Career Inside the FBI from the Kennedy Assassination to the Oklahoma City Bombing” by Oliver “Buck” Revell, appointed FBI SAIC of the Dallas office in 1991, and not to be confused with Jack Revell, the Dallas police officer mentioned below.

So Max Holland’s Daily Beast ditty on the FBI’s culture of impunity certainly caught my attention and interest, and getting around his usual false assumptions like Oswald killed the President all alone, I just don’t think he took it far enough with the FBI and the assassination, so I will.

Holland writes: “On November 12, 1963, Lee Harvey Oswald visited the Dallas Field Office to protest what he considered FBI intimidation. Special Agent  James Hosty, who had interviewed Oswald’s wife, Marina, was out to lunch so Oswald left a short signed note, saying, in effect, that he would contact the local branch of the American Civil Liberties Union if the harassment didn’t stop. When Hosty returned to read the note and didn’t even bother to put in Oswald’s case file, leaving it in a desk drawer. Hosty considered it harmless ‘guff.’”

“Ten days later, after Oswald assassinated President Kennedy, the handwritten note posed an enormous public relations problem. The Bureau was already drawing criticism from the Dallas police department and U.S. Secret Service for not having informed them of Oswald’s presence in Dallas. The visit and protest note promised to put the onus for the assassination on the Bureau.”

“A self-appointed vigilante named Jack Ruby solved the Bureau’s problem on Nov. 24. After Ruby murdered Oswald as the accused assassin was being transferred from police custody to the county jail, J. Gordon Shanklin, the special agent in charge of the Dallas Field Office, called Hosty in and ordered him to get rid of Oswald’s note. Hosty flushed it down a toilet, and in this manner the FBI destroyed evidence material to Oswald’s state of mind in the days leading up to the assassination…..”

“…Despite its destruction of material evidence,” Holland writes, and I must take exception to his statement that, “the FBI’s investigation into the assassination of President Kennedy was exhaustive and non-political – which must have come to the surprise of everyone who thought Hoover saw a communist conspiracy under every bed. The bottom-line conclusions that the FBI delivered to the Warren Commission in December 1963 – the commission was originally conceived as a panel that would merely review the FBI’s work – are essentially identical with those of the commission 10 months later, i.e., Oswald did the deed and there was no evidence of his involvement in a conspiracy, foreign or domestic.”

Despite the continuing psych war “active measure” by CIA officials, agents and assets to continue blaming Cuban Castro Commies for the crime, the FBI and Warren Commission were correct in that there is no evidence of Oswald’s involvement in a conspiracy, foreign or domestic, because he didn’t do it and is not the culprit.

And I too don’t understand why J. Edgar Hoover, who did find commies under every bed, ignored the litany of Oswald’s Castro Cuban Communist connections that were laid out for him by the CIA psych warriors – the Phase One cover-story. Instead Hoover went with the deranged Lone Nut scenario that LBJ insisted on in the first few hours of the investigation and put a squelch on Joe Goulden’s attempt to get Dallas Assistant DA William Alexander to charge Oswald with “furthering a communist conspiracy.”

And it was Goulden and Hugh Aynesworth who made up the fake FBI informant ID number they attributed to Oswald. Was Goulden egging Alexander on to pin the communist tail on Oswald at the request of his good friend David Atlee Phillips, and was Aynesworth doing what his CIA case officer J. Walton Moore asked him to do?

Then there was the Dallas Police Department’s Special Services Unit – most of whom were also US Army Reservists, who made a move against the FBI when their officer Jack Revell was told to write a report on what FBI Agent Hosty said to him as they responded to the arrest of Oswald – that the FBI were aware of Oswald, that he was capable of committing the assassination, and he was a communist. Putting that on paper as an official report was a blatant attempt to stick a pin in Hosty’s ass and delibertly hurt or compromise the FBI’s investigation.

That was two direct attacks on the integrity of the FBI as an agency – by two CIA media assets – Goulden and Aynesworth, and two Dallas Police Special Services Unit officers – Pat Gannaway and Jack Revell.

Yet, Max Holland doesn’t mention any of this in his report on the FBI’s Culture of Impunity?

If the FBI’s investigation of the assassination of President Kennedy was “exhaustive and non-political” as Holland attests, how come the Warren Commission was never informed of the destroyed note to Hosty that the accused assassin supposedly wrote and was, as Holland says, evidence of his “state of mind in the days leading up to the assassination.”

Yes, the state of mind of the Patsy is something that we should try to understand, and the Hosty note is a key piece of evidence the FBI intentionally destroyed and kept from the Warren Commission.  

And as Holland says what he thinks was in the note – “in effect he would contact the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) if the harassment didn’t stop,” it should also be noted that Oswald actually did attend a meeting of the ACLU around that time with Michael Paine, and did pay a membership fee to join the association, so there’s more to that if you look there.

And the fact that Oswald did write a note and Hosty did destroy it on orders from his boss, certainly did shake the Warren Commission attorneys who were unaware of the note, as Samuel Stern told the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA).

Mr. Stern stated that “at the outset we realized that there was no possible way to penetrate any official involvement in a cover-up or conspiracy if there was such complicity.” Stern stated that he and several of his Commission colleagues discussed what they regarded as “the fact that the agencies – the FBI and CIA – could formulate and maintain a cover-up which no one would ever penetrate…..Fortunately, we believed they were on our side.”

Mr. Stern stated that on one occasion he believed that the Commission was influenced in its investigation by what he regarded as “some type of pressure or fear of the FBI.” Stern stated that this came about when he prepared a detailed letter to be sent to the FBI setting forth detailed questions about their past investigation and contacts with Lee Oswald. Stern stated that Earl Warren told him that the letter was too demanding and that it would cause problems vis a vis the Commission’s relationship with Hoover. Stern stated that upon being told that the letter was “unacceptable” by Warren, he (Stern) met with John McCloy and explained the situation to him, hoping to gain his support. While McCloy did express agreement with Stern that the letter was necessary, Stern was once again told by Warren that “the letter went further than was desirable.” Stern thereupon sent a less detailed request.


Stern stated that he had been told of FBI Agent Hosty’s allegedly threatening note received from Lee Harvey Oswald shortly before the assassination, he “would have regarded it as greater identification of the possibility of potential danger in Oswald – of violence.” Stern stated that if the staff of the Commission had discovered that the Hosty note had existed and had been destroyed by the FBI in Dallas, that “if we had found out that happened, we would have gone to a full Commission meeting immediately, and would have made the big decision regarding any future relationship between the Commission and the FBI. It just would have gone to the heart of the whole relationship and the Bureau’s motivation. The destruction of that note would have resulted in the ultimate brouhaha.”


Stern stated that had the Commission learned of the CIA-Mafia conspiracies to assassinate Fidel Castro, “we would have gone much more into Cuba, the CIA, and the Mafia. We would have had a whole host of new avenues calling for investigation. And we would have obviously had to develop some new sources of information – other than the agency.”

And indeed, there is an important still undeveloped lead that the FBI ignored, and can still be followed up today if anyone is inclined to do so.

Judyth Campbell (Exner) was a key player in the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro as a friend and associate of John Rosselli who had amorous affairs with both Chicago mob boss Sam Giancana and President Kennedy, simultaneously. And she delivered packages back and forth between her lovers.

So of course she was under FBI surveillance, and on August 7, 1962 the stakeout team observing her Las Vegas apartment saw two young men break in when she wasn’t there. Their automobile license plate traced them to I.B. Hale, a former high level FBI Agent and security chief of the Convair Division of General Dynamics, and they were identified as Hale’s twin sons – Bobby and Billy Hale.

Just as their father was a Texas college football star, Bobby and Billy played football at Arlington Heights High School in Fort Worth at the same time as Lee Harvey Oswald reportedly tried out for the team. While Oswald dropped out of school that October and enlisted in the Marines, one of the Hale twins went on to shoot and murder the daughter of Texas Governor John Connally. I kid you not. 

Because of I.B. Hale’s status with the FBI was part of the “Impunity” Max Holland talks about, the black bag job – break in at Judyth Cambell’s Vegas apartment was never investigated, though some have suggested that it might have had something to do with the General Dynamic’s pursuit of the lucrative TFX jet contract, or possibly the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro. But certainly nothing to do with the assassination.

Thought the story doesn’t end there.

I.B. Hale’s wife Virginia, the twin’s mother, worked at the Texas Employment Commission. When Oswald returned to Texas from the USSR Mrs. Hale personally assisted Oswald in obtaining employment with the Leslie Welding in Fort Worth, a job that he didn’t get fired from, and Jaggers/Chiles/Stoval graphic arts firm in Dallas. It was while working at J/C/S when Oswald placed captions and arrows on blown up U2 photos of Soviet missiles in Cuba, and did a job for the Sam Bloom Ad Agency on the day he was supposed to have picked up the rifle and pistol at the Post Office. Bloom handled the details of the motorcade, and did the "public relations" for Ruby's trial.

So how can you talk about the FBI and the assassination without mentioning Oswald and the Hale brothers as schoolmates, their breaking in Judy Campbell’s apartment, the FBI covering up that fact, and Mrs. Hale getting Oswald two key jobs on his return from the USSR?

I don’t know. I just know the officials didn't bother to investigate any of this. 

Which brings me back to Oliver "Buck" Revell, the SAIC of the Dallas FBI office from 1991 - who writes the best expression of the FBI's Culture of Impunity

"In the face of all this, I gave several interviews to the press stating my firm belief that Lee Harvey Oswald was the assassin in Dallas that day, and that he had acted alone. The physical and testimonial evidence was clear and conclusive. this, of course, turned out to be to little avail, as you can never prove a negative, that there was no conspiracy. Keeping the investigation open took enormous resources and a lot of my time, but no case was more important in the annals of American history, so I wanted us to answer as many questions as we could...We thoroughly checked out new information that could possibly shed light on unknown factors in the case. This was necessary, as the assassination would remain a divisive issue in American society, and there was no end in sight." 

And that, in a nutshell is the FBI's "Culture of Impunity" in full tilt, with no end in sight in the year 2020. 

As former CIA officer Rolf M. Larsson told the CAPA audience last November 23, - the CIA has taken safeguards against any official assuming the power and duration that James Jesus Angleton assumed for decades, and I can assume that the FBI will never have another J. Edgar Hoover, but as Max Holland assures us, the Culture of Impunity didn't begin with Trump and still exists today. 


And again, just to keep the record straight, in regards to the assassination of MLK, Max Holland is incorrect when he says: “With respect to Dr. King, despite the Bureau’s demonstrated animus, when the civil rights leader was assassinated in April 1968 the FBI mounted an all-out investigation that succeeded in apprehending the fugitive assassin, James Earl Ray. No one reasonably disputes that he was the culprit.”

Among those who reasonably dispute the idea James Earl Ray was the culprit are the King family, their attorney William Pepper, Ray’s brother and his biographer T. Carter, the late John Judge and former members of COPA – the Coalition on Political Assassinations, and the membership and boards of two active non-profits – Citizens Against Political Assassinations (CAPA) – Dr. Cyril Wecht chairman, and the Truth and Reconciliation Committee (TRC), founded by David Talbot.

Since I can only work on solving one murder at a time, I am focused strictly on JFK, but support and admire those who are looking into the assassinations of RFK, MLK, Malcolm X., and other unresolved crimes.

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Sunday, December 29, 2019

Walking the Razor's Edge - The Dutchman and the Barron

Walking the Razor's Edge - The Dutchman and the Barron 

Walking The Razor's Edge: The Dutchman and The Baron

Walking the Razor’s Edge – The Dutchman and the Barron (2019) By Tommy and Hilde Wilkens

Anyone interested in the life of the Patsy, the accused assassin of President Kennedy – Lee Harvey Oswald, knows all about George deMohrenschildt, the eccentric oil geologist who patronized Oswald when he returned to Texas from the Soviet Union. 

The tall, enigmatic White Russian Barron was probably the most influential person in Oswald’s life and has been the subject of much interest, and I didn’t think there could be much more said about him today, but boy was I wrong.

The Wilkens’ “Walking the Razor’s Edge” is chock full of new names, incidents and deep background events that puts a lot of what we knew previously in context, and what a context it is.

“The Razor’s Edge” title comes from the Somerset Maugham book of the same name, and it’s no coincidence that Maugham was a secret British agent and spy as well as novelist, and so was George deMohrenschildt.

Shortly after his third marriage deMohrenschildt and his wife took a walk about hike through Central America and made a 8 mm home movie of their travels, which included a stop at the remote training camp where the anti-Castro Cubans were preparing for the Bay of Pigs. DeMohrenschildt showed the film at house parties, one of which included CIA Dallas Domestic Contacts Division chief J. Walton Moore, and another time Lee Harvey Oswald. Trying to locate that film was the first request I made to the National Archives, but Marion Johnson, then curator of the JFK collection, said they didn’t have it and didn’t know where it was.

The Wilkens got access to the extensive private papers of the late Willem Oltmans, a Dutch journalist who befriended deMohrenschildt and probably learned more about him than anyone, and they synthesize the extensive archives into the a very well written, readable and concise text that adds a lot to the JFK assassination story without getting into the acoustics, ballistics, films and forensics that bogs down so many other researchers.

While I thought this would be a quick read of rehashed material I was already familiar with, I was quite shocked to learn what I have through Oltman’s perspective.

For starters, if you believe the New York Times or any of the mainstream media reports on Oltmans he was a money hungry third rate reporter who exaggerated and promoted deMohrenschildt as the svengali behind the assassination for his own profit, when in fact, as his papers reveal, he was a very thorough and respected Dutch journalist who had previously worked as a foreign correspondent in the Far East.

He worked closely with his editors and NOS TV producers, and how he became entwined in the JFK assassination story is a story in itself.

On March 8, 1964 Oltmans accidentally crossed paths with Lee Oswald’s mother Marguerite at the Dallas-Fort Worth airport, and they sat next to each other on a flight to New York, where Marguerite was to sell letters her son had written to her from Russia to Esquire Magazine.

She mentioned that she was disappointed Lee didn’t graduate from Arlington Heights high school in Fort Worth, where he was enrolled when he enlisted in the Marines on October 24, 1956, shortly after his birthday.

She told Oltmans, “I have never been able to pinpoint it, but once Lee had been in the Marine Corps for some time, there was a clear, noticeable change in my son. He just acted strange, it seemed, and was so very secretive. Once he had left the Marine Corps and gone to Russia, I was just sure as a mother who knows her son that Lee was some sort of agent.”

Back in the Netherlands, Oltmans told his editor about the chance meeting with Mrs. Oswald, and Oltmans was assigned to return to the United States on a whirlwind tour with “The World Wonder Gerard Croiset,” also known as “The Amazing Dutchman,” a clairvoyant, and the subject of a biography by Jack Harrison Pollack (Doubleday), that had popularized him worldwide.

As Croiset explains, “Everyone has the same gifts I have. Within me, they are a bit more developed. Everyone is in contact with other people. I just feel these contacts a bit more intensely.”

As Wilkens notes, “Oltman’s personal notes tell of the incredible mind power that Croiset displayed and how he himself would be awestruck by the accuracy of his visions. Over and over, from one stop to the next, Croiset left people shocked and astonished by his mental abilities.”

“Well-known to police and private investigators,…Croiset had become a valuable asset in locating missing persons and helping to solve murder cases. Law enforcement agencies all over Europe and the United States and as far away as Japan had called upon him to utilize his unusual powers. As with most paragnosts, he did not solve every case. But many, many times, his visions proved to be correct and helpful.”

After returning to Europe from their American tour, on February 2, 1967, Croiset told Oltmans that he had a very strong and clear vision concerning the assassination of President Kennedy. “He explained that what he had seen was a man who was behind the actions of Lee Harvey Oswald – someone with whom the accused assassin had a very close friendship….even an intimate father-to-son relationship. This individual had a double name with the letters “O” and “SCH” in it. He had dealings with the oil world and was probably a geologist.” 

“The vision was one of his clearest ever, Croiset told them. He had seen multiple people shooting at Kennedy from opposite directions and seen a white car that was positioned behind a wooden fence.”

“The mysterious man had ‘pushed’ Lee Harvey Oswald to set in motion this huge, historical event for political purposes. He was, simply, the driving force behind the killing.”

A month later Oltmans returned to the United States on other business and stopped in Texas to visit Mrs. Oswald on March 11, 1967.  Without mentioning Croiset’s vision, Oltmans asked Mrs. Oswald if Lee had a friendship with an older person in the leadup to the assassination.

Of course she immediately thought of de Mohresnschildt, and asked, “Why is this man around my son so much and what did he want from Lee?....I have many times wondered if this was a real friendship or was this man George de Mohresnchildt just out to use Lee in some form?”

Mrs. Oswald then called attention to de Mohrenschildt’s 118 pages of testimony before the Warren Commission, and brought out a copy of a personal letter of condolence from de Mohresnchildt to Mrs. Janet Lee (Bouvier) Auchincloss, the mother of Jacqueline Kennedy, who deMohrenschildt knew personally.

“I have always found this friendship between Lee and George de Mohrenschildt so very strange and unusal,” Marguerite said, “How did my son fit in with this man? And now a letter like this showing he knew Jackie Kennedy’s mother. It’s so very strange. I just have a very strong feeling he has, in some way, put my son in the position as he ened up, concerning the assassination of President Kennedy.”

Shortly after returning to Texas from the USSR with his Russian wife Marina and their baby girl, Oswald obtained an apartment at 2300 Mercedes St., in Fort Worth, and a job at Leslie welding company through the Texas Employment Commission and the efforts of Mrs. Virginia Hale, wife of an FBI agent and mother to twin sons who had attended Arlington Heights high school with Oswald.

It was at the Mercedes Street apartment where George de Mohrenschildt visited the Oswalds, accompanied by a friend Colonel Lawrence Orlov. For some reason de Mohrenschildt at first introduced himself as George Bouhe, another wealthy Russian expatriate who they said, “kept the files on newcomers.”

Colonel Orlov, we later learn, frequently played racket ball with J. Walton Moore, the head of the Dallas CIA Domestic Contacts Division. Moore had known deMohrenschildt since he first debriefed him on his return from Yougaslova in 1957, and according to Wilkens, they often had dinner together.

The day after their meeting the Oswalds visited the de Mohrenschildts for dinner, and Oswald was introduced to the other White Russians in exile in the Dallas-Fort Worth area, some of whom began to assist the Oswalds in various ways.

After de Mohrenschildt obtained a oil geologist job in Haiti, in February 1963, he arranged for a party at the home of some friends who worked at Magnolia Oil, a party set up for the expressed purpose of introducing Oswald to Michael Paine, who de Mohrenschildt thought expressed an ideology similar to Oswald.

While Paine’s wealthy New England family was related to the Forbes and Cabots, his father Lyman Paine was a founder of the Trotskyite communist party in the United States, and he was known as a “cocktail communist.” Michaels Paines’ mother, Ruth Forbes Paine Young had married Arthur Young, the eccentric inventor of the Bell Helicopter, and he arranged for Michael to work as at the Bell Helicopter plant in Texas.

I wish Arthur Young were alive today so I could call him and tell him about Croiset and his psychic abilities, as Young told me he was extremely interested in ESP. And he would have enjoyed knowing another ESP event in relation to the assassination, when his step son Michael Paine, at the very moment of the assassination, was at the Bell Helicopter cafeteria talking with a co-worker about political assassinations!

To me those to ESP events are quite astonishing, but I don’t know what they mean. They make me think of the fact that Dear Abby also expressed foreknowledge of the assassination, but she had confidential confidants who tipped her off. Croiset and Paine are birds of a different feather.

Michael Paine was apparently sick the night of the house party, but his wife Ruth H. Paine met Marina and they became fast friends, while Lee met Volkmar Schmidt, who told Oswald he thought right wing General Walker should be killed as Hitler should have been before he got to powerful.

Shorlty thereafter Oswald ordered the rifle in the mail under the Hidel alias, and had Marina take a photo of him with the rifle, a pistol he also obtained through the mail, and two communist publications he subscribed to, one being the Militant, the official publication of the Trotskyite Party. On April 10, 1963 someone took a pot shot at General Walker through a window, and a few days later, when deMohrenschildt and his wife visited Oswald for the last time before leaving for Haiti, deMohresnchildt saw the rifle and kiddingly remarked, “How did you miss Walker?”

At that point, some conspiracy theorists believe, deMohrenschildt, Oswald’s “babysitter,” handed him off to the Paines, who then became the Oswald’s chief patrons.

Enroute to Haiti, deMohrenschildt stopped in New York city where he met some CIA officials at the offices of John Train, who handled some of the CIA’s propriety businesses, and then went to Washington D.C. where, according to Wilkens, on May 7, 1963 he met with a CIA officer Tony Czaikowski and Dorothe K. Matlack, whose title was Assistant Director of the Office of Intelligence, U.S. Army, under the Assistant Chief of Staff for Intelligence (ACSI).

For those keeping up with John Newman’s latests research on Antonio Veciana, ACSI is an obscure military intelligence agency we are only now just becoming familiar with.

And it makes me wonder if deMohrenschildt told either the CIA or ACSI the single most important intelligence information he possesed – Lee Harvey Oswald had a rifle and that he may have tried to kill General Walker.

Although he didn’t find it until he returned from Haiti in 1966, among his belongings deMohrenschildt discovered one of the photos Oswald had Marina take of him in the backyard with the rifle, pistol and communist magazines. While Wilkens tells us that it was inscribed “To my friend George deMohrenschildt,” he neglects to mention that it was also inscribed in Marina’s handwriting, “Hunter of Fascists, Ha, Ha!”

And that’s my only major criticism of this book. To me, Marina’s “Hunter of Fascists, Ha, Ha!” salutation is an important clue to Oswald and the Walker shooting.

DeMohrenschildt told Oltmans that he thought Oswald may have taken the pot shot at Walker and missed, he certainly didn't kill President Kennedy, as he admired him too much. He was what he said he was, and deMohrenschildt called his important manuscript "I'm a Patsy! I'm a Patsy!". 

Following the leads provided by Croiset and Mrs. Oswald, Oltmans eventually located de Mohrenschildt, and since they were very similar men in attitude and style, and bisexual, they formed a decade long friendship. At one point Oltmans convinced de Mohrenschildt to accompany him to Europe, where Oltmans had arranged for the publication of de Mohresnchildt’s manuscript “I’m a Patsy, I’m a Patsy!,” that was published in the volumes of the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA).

Wilkens says that the manuscript was vetted by the CIA before it got to the HSCA, but one thing that caught my interest in the manuscript is deMohrenschilt’s story of introducing Oswald to his friend retired Admiral Chester Bruton, a Collins Radio executive who declined deMohrenschildt’s request to give Oswald a job.

While meeting for lunch at a hotel, deMorhenschildt excused himself and disappeared, leaving all his belongings in the hotel room he shared with Oltmans. It was the last time Oltmans would see deMohrenschildt

Apparently deMohrenschilt returned home, where he was visited by an unnamed doctor who gave him a shot of something that drove him crazy. After a few suicide attempts deMohrenschildt was checked into Parkland Hospital where he was treated by a new doctor Dr. Charles Mendoza, and a Dr. Deloach, a cousin to Asst. FBI director Cartha “Deke” DeLoach, he was given drugs and electro shock therapy.

Eventually going to West Palm Beach, Florida, where he was staying with Mrs. Nancy Tilton, the sister of his first wife Dorothy Pierson, with whom he had a daughter Alexandra, who on their divorce, was given custody to Mrs. Tilton. From there deMohrenschildt contacted Oltmans and told him where he was.

In the meantime, the HSCA had been established by Congress to investigate the assassination, and the Chief Counsel Richard Sprague and his chief investigator Robert Tannenbaum had taken a particular interest in deMohrenschildt and were also talking to Oltmans about testifying before their committee. So Oltmans notified them of deMohrenschildt’s whereabouts and they sent their Florida investigator Gaeton Fonzi to visit deMohrenschildt.

Unfortunately deMohrenschildt was being interviewed by a reporter from Readers Digest, Edward J. Epstine, so Fonzi left his card with Alexandra.

DeMohrenschildt had Fonzi’s card on him when he was found dead shortly thereafter, sitting in a chair in a second floor bedroom, a shotgun by his side.

While no one heard the gunshot, Mrs. Tilton had a tape recorder recording the audio of a soap opera in a nearby room that recorded the sound of footsteps and the shot. As can be seen in a photo of the dead deMohrenschildt however, he is just wearing socks and no shoes, so whose footsteps were recorded on the tape?

Dr. Cyril Wecht makes a brief appearance in this book, visiting deMohrenschildt and his wife in Texas. When asked by his wife why he was interested in deMohrenschildt, Dr. Wecht replied, “I only want to orientate myself better about Lee Harvey Oswald.”

As Dr. Wecht recently did a review of a number of autopsies of suspicious deaths related to the JFK assassination at the CAPA conference in Dallas last November, I will ask him to take a look at DeMohresnchildt’s autopsy report to see if everything is kosher. It looks suspicious to me, especially since the tape recording was destroyed by the Florida sheriff and other reports on his death are missing.

Whether murdered or suicide, Richard Sprague and Tannenbaum of the HSCA had suspicions that deMohresnchildt was the victim of some sort of MKULTRA brainwashing, but their investigation suddenly ended around the same time when Sprague was fired and Tannenbaum and Fonzi were put out to pasture, and the deMohresnchildt part of the HSCA investigation ended.

Oltmans did testify before the HSCA, and then said he was through with the Kennedy assassination, but lucky for us he kept his papers and his archives were the treasure trove that gave Wilkens the fascinating material for this book.

This book answers many questions, but it asks even more, questions that we should at least try to answer, as the Wilkens have tried to do.

And it requires a more in-depth look at deMohrenschildt, what he was all about, and who ran him, as he, at least for a while, ran Oswald. 

BK NOTES: For an additional twist on this story see:

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